Romney overcame similar deficit in ’02 race
By Matt Viser
Globe Staff / October 2, 2012
WASHINGTON — About six weeks before a crucial election, and shortly after he had secured the Republican nomination, Mitt Romney was trailing badly. Voters had unfavorable views of him. They didn’t think he cared for people like them. Women overwhelmingly favored his opponent.
The year was 2002.
There are many ways in which Romney’s flagging 2012 presidential campaign is different from his gubernatorial race of a decade ago. He’s fighting on multiple fronts, in multiple states, with an electoral map to victory that veers from difficult to daunting. And he’s facing an incumbent president with ample political skills and resources.
Yet, the parallels can be instructive.
Several weeks after Romney, with no primary opponent, officially became the Republican gubernatorial nominee in 2002, a late September poll showed he had not only lost his lead but had slipped six points behind his Democratic opponent, state Treasurer Shannon O’Brien.
She was dominating among women — leading 48 percent to 30 percent among such voters in the survey — and his favorability numbers had dropped significantly from February, when he returned to Massachusetts after running the Olympic Games in Utah and announced he was running for governor.
When asked which candidate most cares about people like them, only 18 percent said Romney.
“It was hard to sort of get some momentum going,” said Charley Manning, a Romney adviser during that campaign. “She came out of the box really strong.”
Shortly after the poll came out, Romney huddled with his aides during a barbecue at his Belmont home, and they decided to shift tactics. He would drop the gentlemanly role he had assumed, one that prompted some voters to see him as a smug, programmed front-runner.
The campaign would drop the feel-good, family-focused ads in favor of sharper, more combative ones criticizing O’Brien’s management of the state treasury. Romney would start delivering attack lines himself, rather than leaving the dirty work to surrogates.
“We knew we needed to use debates and other methods to get our message out in a crystal-clear way,” said Mike Murphy, who was one of Romney’s chief strategists. “We needed to turn the boat a little bit, so to speak. Mitt was totally on board and we hit our stride.”
Within weeks, the polls began to shift. Voters responded to Romney’s negative ads, the most memorable of which portrayed O’Brien as a hapless, sleeping basset hound instead of a watchdog on Beacon Hill. The ad — humorous, yet cutting — is still talked about by political observers in Massachusetts.
To try to get voters to connect with him, Romney spent time working several types of jobs during what the campaign called “work days.” He worked as a garbage man on Beacon Hill, sold sausages at Fenway Park, and fixed cars. They were all thinly veiled photo ops designed to convince people that his wealth wasn’t an issue, but those who helped run his campaign say such images had an impact.
That’s not to say there weren’t struggles. O’Brien called on Romney to release his income taxes, and he refused. He had awkward moments on the campaign trail, though that didn’t become a dominant story line.
With about three weeks to go before the vote, O’Brien ran an ad about Bain Capital, resurrecting attacks on Romney’s role downsizing the paper company Ampad Inc. and asking voters, “Now Romney wants us to trust him with our jobs and our economy?”
“Mitt and I had talked about it a million times after the Kennedy campaign,” Manning said, referring to the attack ads Senator Edward Kennedy used so successfully against Romney in 1994. “We said, if we’re ever in a campaign again and they go after Bain Capital, we’re going to go really hard back at them.”